As South Asia’s youth rise up, India’s Gen Z remains missing

"Gen Z is a generation of convenience," said Harshita V., taking a slow sip of her strawberry-flavoured kombucha. She was talking about her peers’ approach to political activism—how they rally online but rarely follow through. She shared a recent example: when India’s Supreme Court ordered the removal of stray dogs from New Delhi streets in August, a friend organised a protest. Hundreds signed up on social media—but on the day, only four or five showed up. "They rally online," Harshita shrugged. "But when it comes to finishing something, they’ve started, the enthusiasm fizzles out." That small anecdote set the tone for a chilly December afternoon in South Delhi, where five young Indians gathered to talk to DW interviewers about politics, democracy, and what it means to engage—or disengage—in 2025.

A mix of minds and opinions

India is home to the world’s largest youth population: roughly 377 million people, or 27% of the country, belong to Generation Z—those born between 1997 and 2012. How they think, vote, and act will shape the nation’s future. In a clannish townhouse-style conversation, the five young Delhiites were selected to embody a diversity of political viewpoints. The group, aged 23 and 24, was comprised of:

• Saurabh, a gentle teacher and civil services applicant who tracks politics thoroughly
• Advik, a finance expert unsatisfied with the system
• Yashaswini, a political science undergraduate preparing for the civil services
• Yasir, a law student, carefully steering policymaking and politics per se
• Harshita, a social media seller who calls herself apolitical

Their political views traversed the field — Yasir supported the left, Yashaswini labelled herself as right-liberal, Saurabh was mainstream, Harshita principally apolitical, and Advik was sufficiently disenchanted to reflect on leaving India. "India is turning into a surveillance state," Advik said, glancing at the CCTV camera blinking above. "The government has a problem with everything I want to say, so yes, leaving is a political decision." Interest in politics varied widely. Yasir, Yashaswini, and Saurabh were plugged in, while Advik and Harshita kept their distance. "Reading political news drives my anxiety," Advik admitted, swirling his mixed berry juice. "I tune out and just exist in a local bubble." Harshita was more blunt. She called expecting political change "delusional," preferring to focus on herself rather than a system she didn’t trust. Social media was the main source of political news for everyone, but carefully filtered. Yashaswini also consulted government releases and newspapers. All five agreed that mainstream media often oversimplified or misrepresented issues. Although Gen Z grew up online, they were cautious about posting political opinions. "Just because you are anonymous, where is your humanity?" Advik asked, describing how online political discussions often turned hostile. He also criticised the spread of propaganda, noting that many peers consumed content uncritically. The group all nodded when the conversation turned to labelling. Any post could quickly be tagged "leftist," "anti-national," or "bhakt"—a term used for supporters of Prime Minister Modi. For Yasir, the stakes were even higher. As a Muslim, he had to self-censor after right-wing groups doxed him online, publishing private information, including his parents’ address. "Anything that puts me on the radar, I avoid," he said quietly.

Do Indian policies mirror Gen Z aspirations/choices?

“No.” Older politicians, he argued, focus on populism, while young people care about jobs, education, and economic security. Caste and identity politics remain central. Yashaswini argued that caste still shapes political outcomes largely because of reservation policies. "What we need is homogenization," she said—a statement that sparked a quiet debate at the table. Most of Gen Z has come of age under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s BJP, in power since 2014. "Before the Modi government came into power, India was seen as a soft power, but now things have changed for the better," Yashaswini said, praising programs like digital payments and self-reliance. Saurabh also welcomed India’s push for a self-dependent economy.

Not tame, just worn out

While youth uprisings have toppled governments in neighbouring countries, India’s Gen Z seems quieter, but disengagement, the group stressed, is not apathy. "We are not tame," Advik said and added that they are old enough to realise that they have the power. Frustration, constant information overload, and ideological polarisation make mobilisation difficult. Yasir mentioned the flood of online news, while Saurabh noted the exhaustion of debating leaders who "don’t care about us." "We are not tame; we have the audacity," Yashaswini said. "But we are also exhausted that things don’t change." The lack of a strong opposition was another recurring theme. Saurabh criticised Rahul Gandhi and the Congress Party for failing to offer a real alternative. "With the opposition we have, there is no real choice, there is only an illusion of choice," he said.

Looking Ahead

Election data underlines the challenge: in 2024, only 38% of first-time voters aged 18 and 19 were registered, and youth turnout fell to 65%, lower than in 2014 and 2019. Nonetheless, for these five young Indians, detachment isn’t apathy—it’s a response to a system they feel disregards them. (Names have been changed as requested)